Transnational Organized Crime

Transnational Organized Crime 1) Describe the role and function of the Transnational Organized Crime Convention and the Convention’s relationship to its Protocols. The United Nations Convention Against Transnational Organised Crime (also known as the ‘Palermo Convention’) has attached to it the Protocol Against the Smuggling of Migrants by Land, Sea and Air 2000, the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children, and the Protocol Against the Illicit Manufacturing and Trafficking in Firearms, Their Parts and Components and Ammunition. The United Nations Convention Against Transnational Organised Crime was adopted by General Assembly resolution 55/25 of 15 November 2000 and is â€Å"the main instrument in the fight against transnational organized crime†. It entered into force on 29 September 2003. States that ratify the instrument commit to taking a series of measures against transnational organized crime, including the creation of domestic criminal offences; the adoption of new and sweeping frameworks for extradition, mutual legal assistance and law enforcement cooperation; and the promotion of training and technical assistance for building or upgrading the necessary capacity of national authorities. The United Nations Convention Against Transnational Organised Crime and its Protocols are not human rights instruments in themselves, but have instead been described as providing â€Å"treaty framework to help states unite to combat transnational organised crime†. One commentator views the Convention and its Protocols as a framework of guidance which needs â€Å"filling in†, particularly in the areas of the exchange of information, the registration of biodata and the building of common entrance policies. The Protocols are not binding upon signatories of the Convention itself unless the signatory also becomes a party to the Protocol. The United Nations Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime states itself that its purpose is â€Å"to promote cooperation to prevent and combat transnational organized crime more effectively†. Article 3 provides that the Convention applies to a range of offences that the Convention criminalizes when they are transnational in nature, and then spells out that such an offence is transnational in nature if: (a) It is committed in more than one State; (b) It is committed in one State but a substantial part of its preparation, planning, direction or control takes place in another State; (c) It is committed in one State but involves an organised criminal group that engages in criminal activities in more than one State; or (d) It is committed in one State but has substantial effects in another State. The Protocols then add to the list of crimes contained in the Convention. As Kofi Annan states in the foreword to the Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime, â€Å"Criminal groups have wasted no time in embracing today’s globalized economy and the sophisticated technology that goes with it. But our efforts to combat them have remained up to now very fragmented and our weapons almost obsolete. The Convention gives us a new tool to address the scourge of crime as a global problem. With enhanced international cooperation, we can have a real impact on the ability of international criminals to operate successfully and can help citizens everywhere in their often bitter struggle for safety and dignity in their homes and communities.† 2) What do we mean by the term ‘securitisation’ of transnational crime? Do you think policies that ‘securitise’ TNC are useful? In basic terms, the securitisation of transnational crime means the movement of legislative bodies from viewing crime in a cultural, social, economic and/or legal context to viewing transnational crime as a matter of national security. The Copenhagen School defines the concept of securitization: â€Å"Securitization refers to the process of presenting an issue in security terms, in other words as an existential threat†. Transnational crime may be presented as an existential threat to the security of nations through the discourse that political leaders utilise, but also through others. Transnational crime has been referred to as a security issue in the academic literature. McFarlane and McLennan claimed in 1996: â€Å"Transnational crime is now emerging as a serious threat in its own right to national and international security and stability†. In modern times, forms of transnational crime in the Asia Pacific have been securitized that is, represented by policy elites and security actors as crucial or existential threats to national and regional security. At the first summit of ASEAN heads of state and government held in Bali in 1976 President Suharto declared: â€Å"Our concept of security is inward looking, namely, to establish an orderly, peaceful and stable condition within each territory, free from any subversive elements and infiltration, wherever their origins may be†. Galeotti has recently indicated that â€Å"the struggle against organized and transnational crime will be the defining security concern of the twenty-first century†. As Emmers states â€Å"transnational crime poses a threat to states, national economies and civil societies.† He provides the example of non-state actors using terrorism to promote their political causes. In his opinion the groups are able to gain strength from their ability to forge links across national boundaries and in turn are able to threaten national sovereignty and the integrity of independent states with the result that they can effectively threaten the survival of the governments of those states. However, it is not just terrorism which may be ‘securitized’, other forms of transnational crime affect states and their societies. As Emmers again notes, â€Å"drug trafficking and money laundering reduce a government’s capacity to govern, weaken the credibility of financial institutions and undermine social order†. Nevertheless, Emmers has also expressed the opinion that the problem of transnational crime could be dealt with more effectively if it was approached primarily as a criminal matter rather than as a security issue. He notes that the concept of securitization of transnational crime can work better in some nations than others, depending on the commitment shown by those nations to tackle transnational crime in a security driven way. Comparing the US and the ASEAN states he says that in the US the securitization rather than the criminalization of terrorism has allowed the US to use more traditional security responses against al-Qaeda, with the obvious rhetoric being â€Å"War on terror†. It may therefore be argued that where a state is prepared to tackle transnational crime in traditional, often military, ways, policies that securitize transnational crime are indeed useful. However, it has been argued by Emmers that where states are not prepared or are unable to tackle transnational crime in a traditional security based way, criminalization rather than securitization, should take precedence. As Emmers states: â€Å"In the context of Southeast Asia, ASEAN may be advised to further rely on the criminalization of transnational crime, as it does not dispose over the collective will, joint political instruments and military capabilities to match its rhetorical claims about security†. He also argues that transnational crime being seen in a criminal context rather than a security one could lead to better results. In his 2002 paper he suggests that criminal activity cannot be solved by resorting to the traditional security means, such as army activation and concludes: â€Å"The US war on drugs in Columbia and its failure to reduce the supply of narcotics in America is testimony to that reality.† 3) Briefly describe the role of globalisation in modern TNC. In order to describe the role of globalisation in modern transnational crime, it is useful to consider what ‘globalization’ really means. As Gros states, â€Å"globalization does not mean the same thing to all people† and therefore there is â€Å"confusion around what it is and what it does†. Gros defines globalization as â€Å"the deregulation of national economies and financial markets, on the one hand, and their international integration under the aegis of free-market ideology on the other†. In policy terms, globalization often entails the deregulation of capital flows, eviction of the state from areas that concern production and the privatization of former state-owned enterprises, reduction in the size of government, trade liberalization and the creation of large trading blocs. Wright argues that the globalization of business serves to foster organized crime. He states that â€Å"In the case of organized crime (and arguably in the case of international business ethics) we should not be surprised at the failure of the invisible hand of the market to control malpractice.† Furthermore, he states that it is â€Å"for this reason, at least part of the solution to the problem of organized crime is not connected to law enforcement at all It is connected to the further development of the free associations of civil society which can influence government policy and eventually relegate organized crime to the status of a fringe activity.† The impact of globalization on transnational crime can be seen by looking at examples from previously communist and less capitalist regimes. As Sanz and Silverman explain, in the past 30 years or so Communist countries throughout Asia and the Pacific rim have moved toward a more capitalist economic system. These countries’ business communities have welcomed capitalism because it provides more entrepreneurs to achieve greater independence and a richer standard of living. This economic shift in turn receives support from foreign investors. Furthermore, the general population also embrace the capitalist system because it is able to provide new goods and services. As Sanz and Silverman conclude, â€Å"such changes bring us closer to a global economy which will open new markets and expand opportunities for both legitimate and criminal entrepreneurs†. This can be seen in Poland where, â€Å"many new kinds of economic and financial crimes appeared along with the free-market economic system – crimes that had been typical and known for decades in capitalist countries but which had not appeared in Poland for the past 45 years†. The voluntary relaxation or involuntary loss of state control domestically and at international borders coupled with the fact that mechanisms of state governance and incidents of sovereignty have been lost, altered, or sacrificed to produce domestic economic change and promote international trade mean an increase in the ease with which international criminals can operate. As Myers states: â€Å"while this is a gross simplification of the complex issues unique to each state individually, and to regional and global alignments generally, it points to salient factors, which have permitted criminal groups whose activities had domestic, regional or limited international impact to become transnational in scope.† 4) What role does technology play in modern TNC, both from the point of view of assisting TNC and assisting its interdiction? Following on from the impact of globalization on transnational crime is the impact of technological advances. As McFarlane comments, technology enables and increases the capacity of â€Å"transnational organised crime and terrorist groups to exploit advances in electronic banking, encryption, telecommunications, developments in global travel and commerce, and †¦ visa free regimes†. Furthermore, it may be difficult for law enforcement agencies to keep pace with the developing technologies which are capable of being exploited by criminal groups. As McFarlane states, â€Å"transnational organised crime and terrorist groups are usually small and flexible organisations capable of ‘buying the best brains’ to enable them to respond to new technologies more quickly than slow, bureaucratic government agencies†. One particular consideration is the technological advancement of travel (for example speed boats and aeroplanes). It is true that the technological advancement of transportation has had the effect of bringing Southeast Asia closer to Western markets with a quick and, relatively speaking, safe method of moving contraband. As Sanz and Silverman suggest, â€Å"global criminal ventures are now facilitated by the ease of catching a flight and quickly travelling to a country in which one is virtually unknown to the authorities†. As well as making contact between criminal organizations quicker and more accessible, allowing easily planned and accomplished transnational crimes, technological advancements also make the perpetration of certain crimes easier and has even brought new crimes into existence. Again, Sanz and Silverman comment â€Å"technological advancements†¦ make it easy to counterfeit nearly anything from currency to clothing to watches. Technology has also made it relatively easy to obtain a new identity. Medical advances have created a growing demand for human organs, while technological growth has created a market for trade secrets and information about new product research.† Since the break-up of the Soviet Union there has also been, of course, a development of a black market in high tech and nuclear weapons. In terms of transnational criminal finance, technology has had a very important role to play. As Glynn et al. (1997: 12) note, â€Å"the emergence of an electronic financial system markedly enhances opportunities for corruption, the difficulty of controlling it, and the potential damage it can inflict.† Indeed, Gros notes that anyone can move currency around the world, with at least some delay in being caught. He goes on to suggest that transnational criminal organizations are able to recognize opportunities not only in terms of transportation but also with regards the â€Å"fluidity of money markets† allowing for â€Å"movement of illicit profits in and out of countries that are at the epicentre of globalization.† However, technology is not all bad in the fight against transnational crime. For example, the tracing of transnational crime has been made easier by technology in that money can now be tracked across borders through the international banking system. See Dobinson for an interesting case study of how $40 million US dollars was traced across Australia and Hong Kong. Advances in technology also allow law enforcement agencies to update their national systems quicker, alert border control authorities and potentially enable the passing of information between states more efficiently, enabling transnational crime to be prevented, controlled and prosecuted more effectively. 5) What impact have the provisions for Mutual Legal Assistance and the Exchange of Information in the Transnational Organized Crime Convention had on the sharing of intelligence multi-laterally? As one commentator notes, â€Å"obtaining physical custody of fugitives means little absent the evidence needed to convict them at tria†l. MLATs provide assistance at all stages of criminal investigations and prosecutions. Available assistance under MLATs includes bank or other financial records, witness statements and testimony, search and seizure of people and things, and immobilization and forfeiture of the proceeds of criminal activity. As an example of how a MLAT has worked in practice, in 1997 the US made an MLAT request to Canada on behalf of prosecutors who were investigating a murder. Pursuant to the request, the US sought and obtained from the Canadian authorities the murder suspect’s car, copies of airline ticketing records, billing information and other evidence which was then used to secure a conviction. However, in the absence of a specific treaty provision, there is no mechanism whereby parties can be obliged to use formal mutual legal assistance provisions to obtain evidence abroad. In Re Sealed Case the US Court of Appeals rejected the argument that US law enforcement agencies were limited to obtaining evidence in accordance with the provisions set out in a mutual legal assistance treaty signed by the Swiss and US Governments. The appellant refused to comply with a subpoena to appear before a US court to produce documents relating to Swiss companies. Rejecting the argument that compliance with the request would be contrary to Swiss secrecy laws and in breach of international comity, the court held that it could ‘order any party within its jurisdiction to testify or produce documents regardless of a foreign sovereign’s view to the contrary. In Southeast Asia, the picture is complicated, with intelligence sharing and cooperation proving successful but only where the information is not of a nature that will challenge the political rulers of the states. As Emmers recently concluded, there has been success between Sinapore, Malaysia and the Philipines in the context of exchanged information, particularly leading to extradition proceedings. As recently as April 2007, Singapore and Indonesia signed an Extradition Treaty in order that terrorist suspects can be dealt with in the appropriate legal systems. However, despite these examples of bilateral cooperation, Southeast Asian states â€Å"resist sharing sensitive information on domestic matters that could embarrass or challenge the political positions of ruling elites†. Furthermore, difficulties in information sharing and mutual legal assistance may arise where there is a difference between the legal systems of the relevant states. For example, countries which have no mutual legal assistance treaties with Italy have tended to attract Mafia criminals, yet even where agreements have been in place other members of the Mafia have been able to live openly despite the existence of serious criminal charges outstanding against them. Jamieson provides an example of when the jurisdiction of the requested country does not acknowledge the Italian crime of membership of a mafia-type association or, as in the case of the Netherlands and Germany, where crimes of conspiracy do not exist there is a loophole created. The case of the camorra member Michele Zaza exemplified this: Zaza was wanted in Italy since 1984 on charges relating to his purported Mafia association, as well as murder and drug trafficking. His extradition was sought by Italy, however, he was allowed to live openly in France (apart from serving a two year sentence for cigarette smuggling). In fact it was not until 1993 that he was finally re-arrested and extradited to Italy, where he later died in jail. As well as the more ‘pure’ forms of mutual legal assistance provided for in modern times, training has also been an important part in collaboration. Peter Gastrow, a Special Adviser to the Minister of Safety and Security in South Africa identified the police force there as benefiting from international expertise in several areas including: detection and investigative methods; narcotics trafficking; motor vehicle thefts and smuggling; white collar crime, including money laundering and fraud; official corruption; and cross border arms smuggling. Bibliography Bantekas, I. Nash, S. (2007), International Criminal Law, Routledge-Cavendish, pg 401 Brolan, C. (2002), â€Å"An analysis of the human smuggling trade and the Protocol Against the Smuggling of Migrants by Land, Air and Sea (2000) from a refugee protection perspective†, IJRL 14, 561 Callahan, T. (1997), â€Å"Transnational crime strikes South Africa†, Crime and Justice International, 13 (2) 9 â€Å"Denying safe haven to international criminals: international crime control strategy†, Trends in Organized Crime, 4 (1), 25 Dobinson, I. (1993), â€Å"Pinning a tail on the dragon: the Chinese and the international heroin trade†, Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency, 39 (3), 373 Elliott, L. (2007), â€Å"Transnational environmental crime in the Asia Pacific: an ‘un(der)securitized’ security problem?†, Pacific Review 20 4, 499 Emmers, R. (2002), â€Å"The securitization of transnational crime in ASEAN†, Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies Singapore, no. 39 Emmers, R. (2007), â€Å"Comprehensive security and resilience in Southeast Asia: ASEAN’s approach to terrorism and sea piracy†. Emmers, R. (2003), â€Å"ASEAN and the securitization of transnational crime in Southeast Asia†, Pacific Review 16 3, 419 Galeotti, M. â€Å"Underworld and Upperworld: Transnational Organized Crime and Global Society† in Josselin, D. Wallace, W. (eds) (2001), Non-State Actors in World Politics, London: Palgrave Publishers, pg 216 Glynn et al. (1997: 12) Gros, J.G. (2002), â€Å"Trouble in paradise: crime and collapsed states in the age of globalisation†, British Journal of Criminology, 63 Hansen, L. (2000), â€Å"The Little Mermaid’s silent security dilemma and the absence of gender in the Copenhagen School†, Millennium: Journal of International Studies, 29(2), 288 Interview with Mr J. Bijen from the IAM (‘Information and Analysis Centre for Smuggling of Human Beings’), The Hague, the Netherlands, 17 July 2000 Jamieson, A. (1995), â€Å"The transnational dimension of Italian organized crime†, Transnational Organized Crime, 1 (2), 151 McFarlane, J. (2005), â€Å"Regional and international cooperation in tackling transnational crime, terrorism and the problems of disrupted states†, JFC 301 McFarlane, J. McLennan, K. (1996), Transnational Crime: The New Security Paradigm, Working Paper no. 294, Canberra: Strategic and Defence Studies Centre, Australian National University, pg 2 Myers, W. (1995), â€Å"Orb weavers – the global webs: the structure and activities of transnational ethnic Chinese criminal groups†, Transnational Organized Crime, 1 (4), 1 Plywaczewski, E. (1997), â€Å"Organized crime in Poland†, Transnational Organized Crime, 3 (3), 109 ‘Proposed Solutions to Trafficking’ (2000) 21 Refugee Reports (US Committee For Refugees) Sanz, K. Silverman, I. (1996), â€Å"The evolution and future direction of Southeast Asian criminal organizations†, Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice, 12 (4), 285 Singh, S. (2001), â€Å"Framing ‘South Asia’: Whose imagined region?† United Nations Convention Against Transnational Organised Crime United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime available at http://www.unodc.org/unodc/en/treaties/CTOC/index.html Wright, A. (1996), â€Å"Organized crime in Hungary: the transition from state to civil society†, Transnational Organized Crime, 3 (1) 68

Australia has a policy of indefinite detention for asylum seekers. Do you feel this is a breach of human rights? Why or why not? Essay

The human rights of people in immigration detention are of special concern to the Commission because the right to liberty is a fundamental human right recognised in major human rights instruments to which Australia is a party, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. The human rights of vulnerable groups – including children, asylum seekers and refugees – are given special protection under international law. The conditions for and treatment of people in immigration detention should comply with Australia’s international human rights obligations. These are contained in a range of international treaties the Australian Government has voluntarily become a party of. Under the Migration Act 1958, it is mandatory for any non-citizen in Australia without a valid visa to be detained, whether they arrive on the mainland or on an ‘excised offshore place’. These people – called ‘unlawful non-citizens’ under the Migration Act – may only be released from immigration detention if they are granted a visa or removed from Australia. Any asylum seeker who has arrived in an ‘excised offshore place’ by boat from 13 August 2012 onwards is potentially liable to transfer to a third country for processing of their claim for protection. Some of these asylum seekers have been transferred to Nauru and Manus Island in Papua New Guinea where they are in immigration detention. A large number of people who arrived in Australia from 13 August 2012 onwards remain in immigration detention in Australia. Some have been released on bridging visas. There is a well-established link between prolonged indefinite detention and serious mental health issues. Uncertainty about their future, lack of independence and loss of control over their lives, the monotony of life in detention, concern about family members still living in dangerous situations overseas, the impacts of past torture and trauma and witnessing the negative impacts of detention on other detainees all contribute to the deterioration of mental health and wellbeing. Detainees may experience a range of mental health issues, including depression, anxiety, cognitive problems, difficulties regulating their emotions, consistently behaving in a way that is not characteristic or normal, sleep-wake cycle reversal (suffering insomnia and an inability to sleep at night) and engaging in negative coping strategies such as self-harm. In serious cases, prolonged indefinite detention can lead to suicide. Alternatives to detention for asylum seekers are not only more humane than immigration detention, they have been found to be effective in managing risks to the community and far less costly than detention in closed facilities. Releasing asylum seekers from detention after they have passed initial health, identity and security checks, and allowing them to live in the community while their applications are processed, greatly reduces the human and financial costs of immigration detention while also ensuring that potential risks to the community to be managed effectively.

Herbal Medicine Essay

Anything that exists on the earth has a need for survival. According to the World Health Organization (WHO), herbal medicines refers to health practices, approaches, knowledge and beliefs incorporating plant, animal and mineral based medicines, spiritual therapies, manual techniques and exercises, applied singularly or in combination to treat, diagnose and prevent illnesses or to maintain well-being. Different types of herbal medicines are widely applied in Asia, Africa, and Latin America to meet primary health-care needs. Herbal medicines have maintained its popularity in most regions of the developing world. The application is also rapidly spreading in industrialized countries. Worldwide, among all the different traditional medicine systems, Traditional Chinese medicine (TCM) is currently the most popular, followed by Indian medicine. Herbal medicine refers to using a plant’s seeds, berries, roots, leaves, bark, or flowers for medicinal purposes. Herbalism has a long tradition of use outside of conventional medicine. It is also called botanical medicine or phytomedicine. It is becoming more main stream as improvements in analysis and quality control along with advances in clinical research show the value of herbal medicine in the treating and preventing disease. Herbal medicine is used to treat many conditions, such as asthma, eczema, premenstrual syndrome, rheumatoid arthritis, migraine, menopausal symptoms, chronic fatigue, irritable bowel syndrome, and cancer, among others. Herbal supplements are best taken under the guidance of a trained health care provider. Recently, the World Health Organization estimated that 80% of people worldwide rely on herbal medicines for some part of their primary health care. In Germany, about 600 – 700 plant based medicines are available and are prescribed by some 70% of German physicians. In the past 20 years in the United States, public dissatisfaction with the cost of prescription medications, combined with an interest in returning to natural or organic remedies, has led to an increase in herbal medicine use. Whenever a culture attempts to assimilate alien ideas, social stresses are bound to occur, especially when such ideas threaten the dominion of major economic and political interests. Mistakes are likely to arise while attempting to implement these ideas. In the case of Chinese herbal knowledge, its use by people unfamiliar with its rules and protocols invariably leads to mishaps; either the herbs or formulas fail to work as expected, or worse, side effects may result whenever herbs are used in contraindicated conditions. In the political and economic realms, government regulators unfamiliar with the unique characteristics of traditional Chinese medicine may impose restrictions upon Chinese herbal practice that inhibit its effective application and suffocate its future development within our culture. The effectiveness of modern herbal practice suggests that we begin our search by understanding the complete meaning of herbalism. Herbs are grown and collected from all over the world. There is nothing magical about an herb; effective medicinal herbs can be found everywhere that plants grow. There is indeed a necessity in making life better by introducing natural herbal dietary supplements in the country. Within the past decade, herbal medicine has gained increasing importance, with both medical and economic implications. In developing countries particularly, as much as 80percent of the indigenous population still depends on traditional systems of medicine and medicinal plants for healthcare. Some common herbs and their uses are discussed below. * Ginkgo (Ginkgo biloba) has been used in traditional medicine to treat circulatory disorders and enhance memory. Although not all studies agree, ginkgo may be especially effective in treating dementia (including Alzheimer’s disease) and intermittent claudication (poor circulation in the legs). * Kava kava (Piper methysticum) is said to elevate mood, enhance well-being and contentment, and produce a feeling of relaxation. Several studies have found that kava may be useful in the treatment of anxiety, insomnia, and related nervous disorders. * Saw palmetto (Serenoa repens) is used by more than 2 million men in the United States for the treatment of benign prostatic hyperplasia (BPH), a non-cancerous enlargement of the prostate gland. A number of studies suggest that the herb is effective for treating symptoms, including frequent urination, having trouble starting or maintaining urination, and needing to urinate during the night. * Valerian (Valeriana officinalis) is a popular alternative to commonly prescribed medications for sleep problems because it is considered to be both safe and gentle. * Echinacea preparations (from Echinacea purpurea and other Echinacea species) may improve the body’s natural immunity. Echinacea is one of the most commonly used herbal products, but studies are mixed as to whether it can help prevent or treat colds. We chose to have a research study on this topic because I think this can be a way of spreading awareness among people that there can be cheaper way of treating from upset stomachs to headaches. They are also considered natural and therefore healthier and gentler than conventional drugs. So, why is there need to spend so much on expensive drugs uselessly when there is a better option.

Synthetic Compound Words Definition and Examples

In morphology, a synthetic compound is a type of compound that parallels a verbal construction, with the head derived from a verb and the other element functioning as an object. Also known as a verbal compound. Contrast with root compound. Synthetic compounding is a type of word formation in which compounding and derivation are combined. According to Rochelle Lieber, The thing that distinguishes synthetic from root compounds, and therefore that drives the interpretation of synthetic compounds, is the fact that the second stem of a synthetic compound is by definition a deverbal derivation, and in deverbal derivations, we often have more than one argument available for co-indexing. Further, those arguments, by virtue of being verbal arguments, have distinctive thematic interpretations which contribute to the interpretation of any co-indexed stem (Morphology and Lexical Semantics. Cambridge University Press, 2004). Examples and Observations In the literature on Present-day English (PE) word formation, compound nouns of the form [Noun Verb-ing] (e.g., city-planning, housekeeping, letter writing) and compound nouns of the form [Noun Verb -er] (e.g., dishwasher, taxi driver, watchmaker) are often called synthetic compound nouns. The possible grammatical relation between the first Noun and the second Verb in these constructions has constituted an important topic of discussion. For example, Bloomfield (1933: 231-232) claims that synthetic compounds embody the verb-object relationship, and Marchand (1969: 15-19) also defines synthetic compounds in terms of the verb-object relationship. To state simply the most generally held view, PE synthetic compounds are based on the verb-object relationship and exclude the subject-verb relationship (Adams 2001: 78-79; Liever 2005: 381).  (Akiko Nagano, Subject Compounding and a Functional Change of the Derivational Suffix -ing in the History of English. Studies in the History of the E nglish Language V, ed. by Robert A. Cloutier, et al. Walter de Gruyter, 2010) Compounding and Derivation Consider the following English nominal compounds of which the head is a deverbal noun: (22) sword-swallower, heart-breaker, church-goer, money-changer, typesetter These compounds pose some analytical questions. First, some of the nominal heads such as swallower and goer do not occur as words of their own. These are possible, but not established English words. Thus, these words show that possible words can function as building blocks in word-formation. One might also argue that these words are derived by attaching the suffix -er to the verbal compounds sword-swallow, heartbreak, etc. This alternative analysis is inadequate because verbal compounding is not a productive process in English, and hence does not license the possible words sword-swallow or heartbreak. What we see here is that the use of one word-formation process, nominal compounding, implies the use of another word-formation process, deverbal nominalization with -er, which provides possible words like swallower and breaker. These words are then used as the heads of nominal compounds. The term synthetic compounding is traditionally used to indicate that this kind of word-formation lo oks like the simultaneous use of compounding and derivation.​  (Geert Booij, The Grammar of Words: An Introduction to Morphology, 2nd ed. Oxford University Press, 2007) Synthetic Compounds and Root Compounds Synthetic compounds can easily be confused with root compounds formed from a deverbal noun whose base can be used intransitively. For instance, in addition to truck driver we could coin motorway driver meaning one who drives (regularly) on motorways. (This construction has primary stress on motorway, so it is clearly a compound.) However, this is not a synthetic compound; rather, it is a root compound, whose head is a derivative of drive used intransitively. With the handful of verbs which must be used transitively, it is all but impossible to form such root compounds. For instance, while we can say omelet maker we could not say pan maker meaning one who makes (e.g. omelets) in a pan. This is because make is very difficult to use intransitively.​  (Andrew Spencer, Morphology and Syntax. Morphologie/Morphology, ed. by Geert Booij, Christian Lehmann, and Joachim Mugdan. Walter de Gruyter, 2000)